By Kathryn C. Todd and Roger F. Bufterworfh

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Extra resources for Animal Models of Neurological Disorders

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What our results show, we believe, is that the advocates of IDR can no longer simply ignore these hypotheses or dismiss them as implausible, for there is a growing body of evidence which suggests that they might well be true. In designing our experiments, we were guided by three rather different considerations. First, we wanted our intuition probes—the cases that we would ask subjects to judge—to be similar to cases that have actually been used in the recent literature in epistemology. Second, since the findings reported by Nisbett and his colleagues all focused on differences between East Asians (henceforth, EAs) and European Americans (henceforth, Ws, for 26 Cross-Cultural Differences in Intuitions “Westerners”), we decided that would be the obvious place to look first for differences in epistemic intuitions.

We are far from convinced by this objection, though we are prepared to concede that the use of nomologically or psychologically impossible cases in normative epistemology raises some deep and difficult issues. Thus, for argument’s sake, we are prepared to concede that a plausible case might be made for privileging normative claims based on actual intuitions over normative claims based on intuitions that are merely logically possible. But what if the people imagined in the thought experiment are not just logically possible, but psychologically possible?

And we know of no arguments along these lines that are even remotely plausible. B. There Are Several Senses of “Knowledge” Objection The next objection begins with the observation that epistemologists have long been aware that the word “knows” has more than one meaning in ordinary discourse. Sometimes when people say that they “know” that something is the case, what they mean is that they have a strong sense of subjective certainty. ” And even after Lab Bench comes in first, this colloquial sense of “know” still permits them to say, “Drat!

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