By Saskia Sassen

This groundbreaking learn specializes in the significance of position, scale, and state to the examine of globalization. Sassen identifies units of tactics that make up globalization: the 1st and in general studied set of techniques is worldwide associations, from the global exchange association to the warfare Crime Tribunals; the moment and not more often explored set of techniques take place on the nationwide and neighborhood point, together with nation financial coverage, small-scale activism that has an specific or implicit international time table, and native politics. Emphasizing the interaction among international and native phenomena, Sassen insightfully examines new types and stipulations equivalent to worldwide towns, transnational groups, and commodity chains. This certain method of globalization bargains new interpretive and analytic instruments to appreciate the complexity of worldwide interdependence. Sociology of Globalization is half of the modern Societies sequence.

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Extra resources for A Sociology of Globalization (Contemporary Societies Series)

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Piore 1979) This demand, they argue, is iiriper- Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody ~ i o u to s cyclical changes in the econoniy and is most often filled by foreign markers This theor3 though more poneifid tlldn siiriple "p~sh-p~111" iriodels, also fails to explain the persistence of migrdtion in the face of iull or nearly f~111employment in host countries d i d the phenoirienon of permanent settlement by "teiripordry" labor migrmts It also fails to dcco~mtfor the dyilmiic d i d flexible nature of the "iriigrant iriotiratioilal structure" (Tsudd 1999.

1993:441). This is attributed by most scholars to particular "irii, orant irientdlity" T\ hereby migrmts are not iilitidlly tllredtened by the social stigirid of loner tier jobs Since migrants view thenlselx-es as temporary sojourners x i t h strictly instrumem tal moti\-es, they are responding to a different ren-ard structure than do mti\-e workers. Therefore, unlike the nati\-es, migrant xorkers 7-ien- demeaning and dead-end jobs as a means to a11 e11d-a short-term opportunity to reap substam tial economic ren-ards that will enable them to return to their home country to regain their previous lkes 011 better fim~lcialfooting (Tsuda 1999: 7).

Tsuda identifies a "self-sustaining migration systeiri [for r~ikkci Brazilian iriigration to Japan]. WWlge differentials between Japan and Brazil, an economic crisis in Brazil, and a deirraild for unskilled labor in Japan coiilcided with a policy change (officially) elriphasizing the ethnic ties between ~ l i k k c iBrazilians and Japanese. This coincidence initiated the migration flon- at this particular time betn-eel1 Brazil and Japan a i d m7asfollon-ed by cultural glorification of migration \ ~ i t h i nthe Japanese-Brazilian sending c o n munit\-.

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