By Sigmund Koch, David E. Leary
This reissued version (originally released by way of McGraw-Hill in 1985) of "A Century of Psychology as technological know-how" assesses the accomplishments, prestige and customers of psychology on the finish of its first century as a technology, whereas providing a brand new postscript. The essays mirror the forty three individuals' particular disciplines, but converse to the wider thematic factor of "fundamental psychology". one of the fields addressed are sensory strategies and belief, studying, motivation, emotion, cognition, improvement, character and social psychology. This paintings experiences psychology's first century and goals to supply a clean perception on psychology because it enters its moment century.
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Additional resources for A Century of psychology as science
Post-Kantian sophisticates are fond of noting that the proofs are not formally unassailable, but the impeccability of the specific proofs has nothing to do with Kant's more general insight that there is a class of questions, intensely meaningful to all human beings-questions over which many experience great anguish which "transcend the competence of human reason. " The questions are meaning ful but rationally undecidable in principle. I suggest that the class of such undecidable yet meaningful propositions is far broader than the four antinomies that Kant thought it necessary to develop in pursuit of his systematic objective-which, in the immediate context of the antin omies, was to demonstrate the inadequacy of dogmatic metaphysics and theology.
The statistical incidence of highly meaningful thinking in populations-whether these be subparts of a society or culture, entire societies or cultures, or indeed, populations "defined" by historical epochs-varies within limits. Lamentably, the nature of the phenomenon is such that its incidence can probably be made to decrease more easily than to increase. Thus, for any population, the relative inci dence of meaningful or ameaningful thinking will be determined to a large extent by the values placed by the group upon one or the other.
Assume, for example, that person A is in a situation of type C and that A is rational. It is now sufficient to show that "in situations of type C, rational beings do X" in order to explain A's behavior. This rejoinder, however, fails on at least three counts. First, the very language of "situations" begs the question raised by Dray, since a "situation" is itself only explicable in rational-historical terms. With all due respect to Kurt Lewin, situa tions are not akin to magnetic fields and cannot be substituted for those initial conditions that serve as minor premises in Hempel's scheme.
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